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elsewhere / anarchist movement / opinion / analysis Thursday May 18, 2017 11:50 byZaher Baher

This article covers the current military situation in Rojava. While the PYD and Syrian Democratic Party are getting closer and closer to UNited States some of the anarchists and anarchist-communists are happy with that . The Article tries to bring the attention of those anarchists that the partnership between them is in the interest of US and its allies in Europe and the region . In the end, Rojava, might lose what it has been achieved so far.

We, supporters of Rojava, should be worried about its partnership with the United States.
By: Zaher Baher
17th May 2017
The political and military balance in Syria is constantly changing. Relations between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), co-founded by People’s Protection Units (YPG), and in turn Russia and US constantly ebb and flow. The dynamic behind these changes has very little to do with ISIS. In fact, it all depends on the respective interests of the great powers and their struggle against one another to establish predominant power there.
The past year has seen a steady erosion of the US position in Syria vis-à-vis Russia, who has since overtaken it. Russia’s heavy involvement in Syria and becoming a major ally with Turkey has changed many things. The relative inactivity of the USA has given the opportunity to Russia, Turkey and Iran to play a significant role in making decisions there.
Under Trump’s new administration this has changed somewhat. He probably has a different approach to Syria. While US still is one of the major powers in the world, it cannot sit and do nothing in the region especially in Syria.
After a long pause, Trump has decided to ally with SDF against ISIS to defeat them in Raqqa regardless of Turkey’s position and reaction. Trump has now approved a deal to supply arms including heavy weapons to SDF directly, seeing them as the most effective and reliable force especially after the SDF capture of Tabqa City from ISIS. The US administration is at present more than any other time determined in recapturing Raqqa, the ISIS de facto capital. It is now quite clear that the US administration and SDF and the People’s Democratic Party (PYD) are getting very close to one another to the point that SDF strife to achieve what the US wants to achieve, even though this can be at the expenses of what have been achieved so far in Rojava.
We supporters of Rojava should be very worried about the current development in relation to Democratic Self-administration and the Movement of Society (Tev-Dem). We should be concerned because of the following consequences:
First: It is a matter of influence for the US while seeing that Russia almost controlled the situation and managed to take Turkey onto its own side. US wants to be very active before losing its power there. It wants to play the major role and achieve its own goal, this can be only done through SDF and PYD. There is no doubt that the US is more concerned about its own interests rather than Kurdish interests in Rojava.
Second: To contain SDF and PYD, to make them a tool by using them for their own interest. This is the best way to make PYD and SDF lose their credibility in Syria, the region, Europe and elsewhere.
Third: The current attitude of the US towards Rojava and arming SDF directly might be an effort to cut them off from PKK and decrease PKK influence over developments in Rojava.
Fourth: There is no doubt that whatever happens will now make Turkey more furious against both YPG and PKK. This could create a greater backlash from Turkey. It may repeat last month’s military operations against YPG or even extend these military operations into Rojava and against YPG & PKK in Shangal, in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Fifth: With Russia’s displeasure against the SDF and PYD, Assad could be influenced to change Syria’s attitude towards them in the future if not now. If Rojava had chosen the Russian side instead of USA, it could have been much better because Russia is more reliable as an ally than the US. It looks like Assad will stay in power after the defeat of ISIS. Assad normally listens to Russia very diligently. In this case, there was a greater chance under pressure of Russia that Assad would have let Rojava pursue a better future than what US and Western countries may decide for them.
Sixth: Intensifying and prolonging the current war causing Rojava a great deal of dislocation. Continuation of the war costs SDF so many lives and makes them weaker and weaker. The stronger and the bigger the size of SDF in Rojava is, the more it must necessarily be dependent on one of the major power, in the meantime Rojava will be weaker. The more SDF achieves militarily, the more socially and economically can actually be lost in Rojava. The more powerful SDF and PYD become, the less power the local self-administration and Tev-Dem will have. The number of SDF fighters alone is estimated to be 50,000. Just imagine even 10.000 instead of working militarily, working in the fields and cooperatives or building school, hospitals, parks and houses, by now Rojava would have been somewhere else.

Seventh: Often I have mentioned in my articles that a successful Rojava – successful in the way we were hopping – depended on a couple of factors or as a minimum one to preserve the experiment. One was expanding Rojava’s movement at least to a couple of more countries in the region. The other factor was international solidarity. However, neither happened. If one thing can now preserve Rojava, it is ISIS and the opposition forces in Syria holding out against the odds. In short only a prolonged anti-ISIS military campaign can preserve Rojava.

In my opinion after defeating ISIS in Kobane’s region, YPG should have suspended it military operations except in self-defence of its establish perimeter. After defeating ISIS in Kobane region and the greater intervention of US and Russia, UPG and PYD should have withdrawn from the war. PYD should have dealt with the situation better and withdrawn from power for Tev-Dem and let the rest of the population to make their own decisions about peace and war. Clearly the current nature, direction and the potential course of the present war in Rojava has completely changed. It is a war of the major powers, European governments and the regional governments over securing interests and sharing domination.

The situation at the moment looks very grim. It appears that once ISIS has been defeated in Mosul and Raqqa then more than likely war will start involving Rojava and PKK in Qandil and Shangal. These calculation are being made by Barzani, head of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), Turkey and perhaps also Iran and Iraq with the blessing of the US, Russia and Germany. Such a war may start by the end of August or September after the military defeat of ISIS in Mosul and Reqqa.

Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Αναρχικό κίνημα / Νέα Friday May 12, 2017 18:11 byDevrimci Anarşist Faaliyet

Ως Αναρχική Επαναστατική Δράση (DAF), την 1η Μάη πραγματοποιήσαμε πορεία εναντίον της καταπίεσης και των περιορισμών του κράτους στην πλατεία Ταξίμ, με το πανό μας «Αναρχική Επαναστατική Δράση» για την επέτειο των 40 χρόνων από τη Σφαγή στην πλατεία Ταξίμ.

Τουρκία - 1η Μάη 2017

Ανακοίνωση από τη DAF (Αναρχική Επαναστατική Δράση) για την πορεία της 1η Μάη 2017

Ως Αναρχική Επαναστατική Δράση (DAF), την 1η Μάη πραγματοποιήσαμε πορεία εναντίον της καταπίεσης και των περιορισμών του κράτους στην πλατεία Ταξίμ, με το πανό μας «Αναρχική Επαναστατική Δράση» για την επέτειο των 40 χρόνων από τη Σφαγή στην πλατεία Ταξίμ.

Το Τουρκικό κράτος απαγόρευσε την συνάθροιση στην πλατεία Ταξίμ και υπέδειξε την περιοχή του Bakırköy για τους “Εορτασμούς της Πρωτομαγιάς”. Πραγματοποιήσαμε την πορεία ενάντια σε αυτές τις απαγορεύσεις με τη συμμετοχή κ άλλων επαναστατικών οργανώσεων, από την Gayrettepe μέχρι την Ταξίμ, με σύνθημά μας το “Από το Haymarket μέχρι την Taksim, ο αγώνας συνεχίζεται”.

Κατά τη διάρκεια της πορείας, η αστυνομία επιτέθηκε στους επαναστάτες διαδηλωτές που επέμεναν στο δρομολόγιο της πορείας προς την πλατεία Ταξίμ. Μετά την επίθεση της αστυνομίας, στήθηκαν οδοφράγματα. Οι επιθέσεις και η βία που επέδειξε η αστυνομία οι συγκρούσεις και οι συλλήψεις συνεχίστηκαν μέχρι το τέλος της ημέρας. Δύο σύντροφοι από την DAF βρίσκονται υπό κράτηση μετά τον ξυλοδαρμό τους από την αστυνομία.

Έχει δημοσιευθεί σχετική ανακοίνωση τύπου σε ένδειξη αλληλεγγύης προς τους συλληφθέντες για την συμμετοχή τους στην πορεία στην πλατεία Ταξίμ, φωνάζοντας το σύνθημα «Η πλατεία Ταξίμ είναι η πλατεία της Πρωτομαγιάς».

Ζήτω ο αναρχισμός

Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet

*Μετάφραση/δημοσίευση: Πρωτοβουλία για τη Διεθνιστική Αλληλεγγύη στη Μεσόγειο

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international / anarchist movement / opinion / analysis Thursday May 11, 2017 12:34 byWayne Price

Anarchism is an uncertain term. Self-identified anarchists sometimes see their particular school of anarchism as the only legitimate type of anarchism. For example, I have been told that I am not an anarchist or that what I believe is not anarchism. This happens most often over discussions about anarchism and radical democracy, or anarchism\'s use of aspects of Marxism, or support for technology, or advocacy of the self-organization of revolutionary anarchists.

“Anarchism” is a very broad and uncertain term. Probably most of the public think that anarchists are for breaking windows and blowing things up, unaware that many anarchists are absolute pacifists. Meanwhile, those who identify themselves as anarchists sometimes define anarchism as their particular school of thought. They regard other anarchists as not really anarchists at all.

Taking me as an example: In my years of trying to work out a particular anarchist perspective, I have repeatedly been told that I am no sort of anarchist or that what I advocate is not genuine anarchism.

(1) Most recently I have been informed that what I advocate is not anarchism, because I am for democracy. I have called anarchism “extreme democracy”, or “democracy without the state.” Others have informed me that “an-archy” means “no rule” while “demo-cracy” means “rule of the people;” therefore they are supposedly incompatible. And anyway, isn’t “democracy” the ideological cover for U.S. imperialism?

(2) I have been called a “Marxist,” because I think that there are aspects of Marx’s Marxism which can be useful for anarchists—in particular, Marx’s political economy. (It is also noted that before I was an anarchist I had been a Marxist, of an unorthodox, dissenting, Trotskyist variety.)

(3) I have been denounced for accepting technology and civilization, which are regarded as inherently oppressive and statist, and therefore un-anarchist.

(4) I believe that revolutionary anarchists who agree with each other should voluntarily organize themselves into democratic federations. This would make them more effective in participating in broader movements and organizations, such as unions, community groups, and other associations. This is sometimes called “neo-platformism” or “especificismo” or “dual-organizationalism.” But this view has been denounced as equivalent to Leninist vanguardism, and definitely un-anarchist.

I am not including every topic on which I have had disagreements with other anarchists. For example, I have had polemics with anarchists who advocate a gradualist, non-revolutionary, approach to achieving our common goal. None of them have challenged my right to call myself an anarchist, nor have I challenged them. For example, I reviewed the book Black Flame, which gave an overview of revolutionary class struggle anarchism. l wrote that it was an exceptional book—except for its denial that those who shared the goals of anarchism, but did not accept revolution or class struggle, were really anarchists. While I agreed with the book’s class perspective, I thought this denial of others’ anarchist bona fides was sectarian and narrow-minded (see Price 2009a).

In responding to challenges to my anarchism, I must admit to ambivalence. I am proud to be part of a tradition of struggle against capitalism and the state and all oppression. I am proud to “stand on the shoulders of giants” (which hopefully permits us to see further than they did). I am glad that I do not have to reinvent the wheel in terms of radical theory or practice.

At the same time, I do not much care about labels. I do not care whether I am genuinely an orthodox anarchist. I do not know what an “orthodox anarchist” would look like. I would be just as happy calling myself a “revolutionary libertarian socialist” or “anti-authoritarian socialist.” This goes two ways. It is why I see no point in denying that, say, “anarchist-primitivists” are anarchists; instead I prefer to argue that they are wrong about their goals and their strategy. There are, however, some limits to my pluralistic tolerance: I do not accept as anarchists people who are against the state but for capitalism (self-labeled “anarcho-capitalists”). And I certainly do not accept fascists as anarchists (so-called “national anarchists”)!

In Defense of Democratic Anarchism

It is true that imperialist-capitalist states use “democracy” as ideological cover. They use a good concept—self-rule by the people—to rationalize their authoritarian, exploitative system. But there are limits: they do not claim that their economic system is democratic! To demand that the capitalist economy be turned into a democratically self-managed system is a direct challenge to capitalism!

Anarchists who reject “democracy” almost always call for self-management, self-rule, or self-government—all terms which mean the same as “democracy.” And they always use terms like “liberty” or “freedom,” which are also widely used by the capitalist states as ideological cover, just as much as “democracy.”

Democratic anarchists advocate decentralized, face-to-face, direct democracy, in the community, in the neighborhood, in the socialized workplace, in the consumer association, with communities and workplaces affiliated through federations and networks. As for “rule,” when everyone governs then there is no “government.” When everyone participates in decision-making, at every level, and in every way, then there is no state. The state is a bureaucratic-military institution which stands over the rest of society. Radical democracy is the abolition of the state and the self-organization of the people—which is anarchism.

Some collective decisions have to be made (should the community build a road; should the workshop work four or five days a week). How will they be made? Surely by mutual discussion, with everyone participating, and then deciding through some sort of democratic procedure. What else? A minority may be dissatisfied with the outcome of any particular discussion of an issue (true whether they use majority votes or consensus). But minority members will have fully participated in the preceding discussion. They will have a chance to be in the majority on the next issue.

Some anarchists have preferred not to use the term “democracy.” Others have used it, from the very beginning. Proudhon wrote, “We want the mines, canals, railways handed over to democratically organized workers’ associations…vast federations of companies and societies woven into the common cloth of the democratic and social Republic.” (quoted in McKay 2014; 8). The first revolutionary anarchist association was organized by Bakunin and his comrades under the name of the Alliance for Socialist Democracy. More recently, anarchists who used “democracy” positively included Paul Goodman, Noam Chomsky, Murray Bookchin, Cindy Milstein, Lucien van der Walt, and David Graeber. I have gone into the relationship between anarchism and democracy in more detail elsewhere (Price 2009b; 2016a).

Anarchism’s Use of Marxism

(2) In his bitterest polemics against Marx, during the split in the First International, Bakunin insisted that Marx had made major contributions. In particular, Bakunin praised historical materialism, and Marx’s political economics, written in Capital. Over the years, many other anarchists have expressed similar agreement with Marx’s critique of political economy and with other aspects of his theories—even while rejecting Marx’s politics. Anarchists agree with Marx’s goal of the abolition of capitalism, the end of the state, and the creation of a classless, stateless, society. Revolutionary anarchists agree with Marx about the need for a working class revolution, in alliance with all those oppressed and exploited. In my opinion, Marx’s political economy is extremely useful in dealing with the economic, political, and ecological crises which the world is now going through.

However, like other anarchists, I reject Marx’s program of a transitional “workers’ state” or “dictatorship of the proletariat.” I reject Marx’s strategy of building workers’ parties to run in elections or to take state power in some other way. I reject Marx\'s economic program of national ownership of industry by the state. I condemn all the states established by Marxists; I regard them all as state capitalist. (This includes the one-party police state established by Lenin and Trotsky, which the Trotskyists still endorse.) Despite the scientific and humanistic aspects of Marx’s vision, Marxism repeatedly led to disaster: social-democratic support for their imperialist states, and then to mass-murdering Stalinist totalitarianism—and finally to the collapse of these regimes back to traditional capitalism. These results are rooted—I believe—in Marx’s authoritarianism, his centralism, and his teleological determinism.

Given these views, I do not see why I should be regarded as a Marxist. I am an anarchist who has been influenced by Marxism. (Personally, before I was an unconventional Marxist—and then a revolutionary anarchist—I was first an anarchist-pacifist. No one is born quoting Kropotkin.) Anarchism and Marxism is further discussed in Price (2015; 2013).

An Anarchist View of Technology

(3) My views on technology have been attacked by people who do not bother to understand them. In particular by primitivists and anti-civilizationists (whose theories were mostly originated by libertarian Marxists, ironically). It is true that I do not reject all technology or want to go back to hunter-gatherer society, as these people do. However, long ago I learned from Paul Goodman, Ralph Borsodi, and Lewis Mumford, among other decentralists, to have a flexible and humanistic approach to technology (as has since been taught by E.F. Schumacher of the “small-is-beautiful” trend).

After a revolution, we would start with the existing machinery and knowledge, as developed by capitalism and the state. But working people would re-organize and re-build the machinery and communities, as well as the process of production, sexual and romantic relations, political and other social interactions, etc. Technology would be re-created and rearranged to permit democratic management by the workers, the development of human creative potential, and ecological balance. Similar views have become more widespread with the fear of climate change and the growth of eco-socialism (see Price 2016b).

Neo-Platformism and Anarchist Self-Organization

(4) Liberals organize themselves to spread their ideas through writings, speech, and action. So do conservatives, Marxists, Pentecostal Christians, and fascists. It makes sense for anarchists to also organize themselves in order to spread their ideas through writings, speech, and action. Anarchists seek to counter the liberals, conservatives, Marxists, Pentecostal Christians, and fascists. But a voluntary federation of revolutionary anarchists is not a “party” (vanguard or otherwise). It does not seek to take power for itself, to get elected to rule the state or to overthrow the existing state and create a new state. An anarchist organization is part of the self-organization of the people and seeks to be part of the workers in their self-mobilization.

From the beginning of the anarchist movement, there were those who advocated such self-organization. As mentioned, Bakunin and his comrades organized the Alliance for Socialist Democracy, to spread anarchist ideas inside and outside the First International (to Marx’s outrage). Ericco Malatesta criticized the anarcho-syndicalists of his time for only building militant labor unions without also building anarchist groupings to work inside and outside the unions. Makhno led the Ukrainian Insurgent Army against both the Bolsheviks’ army and the White counter-revolutionary armies. Together with other exiles from Russia and Ukraine, he decided that the anarchists had lost to the Leninists because they had not been organized enough. He and his comrades worked out the “Draft Platform” which called for an organization of revolutionary anarchists. Similarly, the anarchists in Spain, after World War I, were worried that their labor union federation (the CNT) would be taken over by either the Communists or by reformists. So they organized themselves into a federation of anarchists, the FAI, inside the broad union federation.

Many anarchists today do not want any sort of organization beyond a local group or perhaps a journal. But I agree with those who seek to build a significant anarchist federation which is capable of affecting the course of the popular struggle for a better world (see Price 2006).

Is There an Orthodox Anarchism?

While there may be an “orthodox Marxism,” there is no “orthodox anarchism.” As far as I am concerned, anyone whose aim is for a society without states, capitalism, or other oppressions—who wants a classless, stateless, cooperative association of freely-organized and self-managed associations, is an anarchist. Anarchists can and do have a wide range of opinions on how to reach such a society and how to organize it in detail. These opinions should be honestly discussed, not covered over or shut up through name-calling or red-baiting.

One thing which has attracted me to anarchism is its openness to various influences. As I have argued, anarchism has been affected by the democratic-liberal tradition as well as Marxism, and also the non-socialist decentralist tradition. Personally my views have also been influenced by Dewey’s instrumental philosophy, radical psychoanalysis, feminism, Zen, Malcolm X’s thinking, and eco-socialist concepts. I hope this has enriched my anarchism.


McKay, Iain (ed.) (2014). Direct Struggle Against Capital. A Peter Kropotkin Anthology. Edinburgh UK/ Oakland CA: AK Press.

Price, Wayne (2016a). “ Are Anarchism and Democracy Opposed? A Response to Crimethinc.”

Price, Wayne (2016b). “Eco-Socialism and Decentralism.”

Price, Wayne (2015). “In Defense of the Anarchist Use of Marx’s Economic Theory.”

Price, Wayne (2013). The Value of Radical Theory: An Anarchist Introduction to Marx’s Critique of Political Economy. Oakland CA: AKPress.

Price, Wayne (2009a). “The Two Main Trends in Anarchism.”

Price, Wayne (2009b). “Anarchism as Extreme Democracy.” The Utopian.

Price, Wayne (2006). “Anarchist Organization, Not Leninist Vanguardism.”

*written for

Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Αναρχικό κίνημα / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Wednesday May 10, 2017 05:15 byΣυλλογικότητα azadi

Ο Βαρδής ήταν ένας άνθρωπος ξεχωριστός, δύσκολος αλλά ευθύς, απότομος αλλά ειλικρινής, ασυμβίβαστος ακόμα και όταν ένοιωθε το τέλος να πλησιάζει, μένοντας αταλάντευτος στις αξίες και στα ιδανικά του. Αδιάλειπτα στην πρώτη γραμμή των αγώνων και πάντα στο πλευρό των καταπιεσμένων, ήταν διατεθειμένος να συγκρούεται μέχρις εσχάτων με ότι θεωρούσε άδικο, μη λογαριάζοντας τις συνέπειες.

Ο αγώνας για ζωή δεν τελειώνει με τον θάνατο αλλά με την παραίτηση,

και ο Βαρδής δεν παραιτήθηκε ποτέ

Την Πέμπτη 4 Μαΐου έφυγε από τη ζωή μετά από σκληρή μάχη με τον καρκίνο ο αναρχικός αγωνιστής Βαρδής Τσουρής σε ηλικία 65 ετών. Συνεπής εδώ και δεκαετίες στους κοινωνικούς/ταξικούς/πολιτικούς αγώνες, άφησε το προσωπικό του στίγμα στην αναγέννηση και στην εκ νέου διαμόρφωση του αναρχικού χώρου πανελλαδικά. Παρών στην εξέγερση του Πολυτεχνείου το 1973, όπως και σε όλα τα μικρά και μεγάλα γεγονότα που ακολούθησαν έως και τις τελευταίες του στιγμές. Στο πρόσωπο του επιχειρήθηκε ουκ ολίγες φορές να ποινικοποιηθούν οι ριζοσπαστικοί αγώνες, μέσα από αλλεπάλληλες κατηγορίες που του αποδόθηκαν κατά καιρούς. Χαρακτηριστική είναι η σύλληψή του, η προφυλάκισή που ακολούθησε και η συγκλονιστική πολυήμερη απεργία πείνας που πραγματοποίησε μέχρι την αποφυλάκισή του, μετά τον λαϊκό ξεσηκωμό που οδήγησε στον εμπρησμό την νομαρχίας Χανίων στα πλαίσια των αντιπολεμικών κινητοποιήσεων για την απομάκρυνση της νατοϊκής βάσης της Σούδας το 1990.

Στους κοινωνικούς αγωνιστές δεν ταιριάζουν τα κάδρα των αγίων. Ο Βαρδής ήταν ένας άνθρωπος ξεχωριστός, δύσκολος αλλά ευθύς, απότομος αλλά ειλικρινής, ασυμβίβαστος ακόμα και όταν ένοιωθε το τέλος να πλησιάζει, μένοντας αταλάντευτος στις αξίες και στα ιδανικά του. Αδιάλειπτα στην πρώτη γραμμή των αγώνων και πάντα στο πλευρό των καταπιεσμένων, ήταν διατεθειμένος να συγκρούεται μέχρις εσχάτων με ότι θεωρούσε άδικο, μη λογαριάζοντας τις συνέπειες. Παρ\\\' όλο τον ιδιαίτερο του χαρακτήρα, έχαιρε μεγάλης εκτίμησης από τον κόσμο των κινημάτων, ακριβώς γιατί ήταν πάντα εκεί, στις διαδικασίες, στις συνελεύσεις, στις διαδηλώσεις, στις καταλήψεις, στις αγροτικές κινητοποιήσεις, στις συγκρούσεις με τους φασίστες και τις κρατικές δυνάμεις καταστολής. Μία σχέση ζωντανή και αλληλοτροφοδοτούμενη, εμποτισμένη από την αξιοπρέπεια, την αλληλεγγύη και την ισότητα. Ένας άνθρωπος που εκτός των πολιτικών του πιστεύω, λάτρευε την αγαπημένη του Σούγια, τις εκδρομές, το καλαμπούρι, τις ιστορίες και τις ρακές στα καφενεία, τα ανέκδοτα, τα ριζίτικα τραγούδια και τις μαντινάδες που συνεχώς σκάρωνε.

Στον 1,5 χρόνο της πολιτικής μας ύπαρξης, οι διαδρομές μας συναντήθηκαν αρκετές φορές. Συμφωνήσαμε με θέρμη και διαφωνήσαμε έντονα, κυρίως όμως βαδίσαμε είτε από κοινού, είτε παράλληλα, στους δρόμους της ανατροπής με ένα κοινό όραμα, την κοινωνική απελευθέρωση. Για έναν κόσμο απαλλαγμένο από τα βάρβαρα δεσμά του καπιταλισμού που δυστυχώς ο Βαρδής δεν πρόλαβε να αντικρίσει. Καθήκον μας και είμαστε βέβαιοι πως κάτι τέτοιο θα επιθυμούσε και ο ίδιος, δεν είναι τα νεκρικά μοιρολόγια, αλλά η όξυνση και επικαιροποίηση των αγώνων καθώς και η δημιουργία νέων. Η μνήμη του Βαρδή θα συνεχίσει να στέκει σαν φάρος αντίστασης και να εμπνέει τις επόμενες γενιές όχι σαν ένας ήρωας, αλλά σαν ένας άνθρωπος καθημερινός που πάλεψε με ανιδιοτέλεια για την εξάλειψη της παγκόσμιας καταπίεσης.

Μια υψωμένη μαυροκόκκινη σημαία και μια σφιγμένη γροθιά για αυτούς που δεν υποτάχτηκαν ποτέ...

Κάτω τα χέρια από την κατάληψη Rosa Nera εν όψει της απειλούμενης εκκένωσης της

Συλλογικότητα azadi

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Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Αναρχικό κίνημα / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Friday May 05, 2017 17:41 byΑναρχοσυνδικαλιστική Πρωτοβουλία Ροσινάντε

Ο Βαρδής Τσουρής θα είναι μαζί μας σε κάθε αγώνα που σηκώνεται για την ανεξαρτησία του κόσμου, σε κάθε μαυροκόκκινη σημαία που ανεμίζει, σε κάθε σπασμό του νέου κόσμου που κουβαλάμε στην καρδιά μας και που αξίζει να αγωνιζόμαστε μόνο και μόνο για να συνεχίσουμε να τον κουβαλάμε.

«Ούτε γαρ άρχειν ούτε άρχεσθαι εθέλω» – Αντίο Βαρδή, Σύντροφέ μας!

Η λεβεντιά είναι μια πληγή που πάντα αίμα τρέχει
Θε’ μου, και πώς τηνε βαστά εκείνος που την έχει.
Ένας αητός στη θύελλα παλεύει μην μπλαντάξει,
και καρτερεί τη ξαστεριά στον ήλιο να πετάξει.

Η Αναρχοσυνδικαλιστική Πρωτοβουλία Ροσινάντε αποχαιρετά τον σύντροφο Βαρδή Τσουρή, αναρχικό αγωνιστή και καρδιά του ελευθεριακού κινήματος των Χανίων τα τελευταία 40 χρόνια, σταθερό μέλος της συνέλευσης της κατάληψης Rosa Nera και άνθρωπο σπάνιο και αναντικατάστατο στον αγώνα για την ελευθερία, την αλληλεγγύη, την ισότητα και τη δικαιοσύνη. Τον αποχαιρετά με όλη την οδύνη της μεγάλης απώλειας, μα και με όλη τη δύναμη του κοινού αγώνα μας που θα συνεχιστεί, και μαζί με όλη την περηφάνια για το ότι τον γνωρίσαμε και βρεθήκαμε μαζί του, στην ίδια πλευρά του κόσμου.

Οργανωμένος στην υπόθεση του αναρχισμού από νέος, στον αντιδικτατορικό αγώνα, στην κατάληψη της Νομικής και του Πολυτεχνείου, ο Βαρδής Τσουρής διένυσε σχεδόν πέντε δεκαετίες μέσα στο ελευθεριακό κίνημα κατορθώνοντας να συνδυάζει την συνέπεια με τη διαρκή αλλαγή. Λαϊκός και λόγιος, τοπικός και οικουμενικός, τρυφερός και τραχύς, ευγενής και άγριος, ο Βαρδής είχε όλες αυτές τις διπλές όψεις του αναρχισμού, αυτού του Ιανού της ανθρώπινης χειραφέτησης, που τον ταυτίζουν πάντα με τη διαλεκτική της ίδιας της ζωής και της λευτεριάς.

Η στάση του στο κίνημα ενάντια στις αμερικανικές στρατιωτικές βάσεις στη Σούδα, η σύλληψή του, η άρνησή του να αποδεχτεί τη βολική «πατριωτική» γραμμή στην απολογία του, επιμένοντας μέχρι τέλους ότι θα έπραττε το ίδιο απέναντι σε κάθε στρατό, τον έκαναν ευρύτερα γνωστό σε πανελλαδικό επίπεδο. Πάντοτε ενωτικός, χωρίς να είναι υποχωρητικός, διασφάλισε με τη πολύχρονη παρουσία του τον κοινωνικό χαρακτήρα του ελευθεριακού κινήματος στα Χανιά, το οποίο δεν έλειψε από κανέναν τοπικό αγώνα, χωρίς ποτέ να χάσει ούτε σπιθαμή από την ιδιαιτερότητά του και τις αντιλήψεις του.

Ζωντανός μέχρι το τέλος της ζωής του, αντιμετώπισε τα τελευταία τρία χρόνια έναν πολύ επιθετικό καρκίνο με όλη την περιφρόνηση που αρμόζει στον θάνατο και τη μοίρα, από την ανθρώπινη συνείδηση. Με ελάχιστες εβδομάδες ζωής μπροστά του βρέθηκε στην αντιφασιστική διαδήλωση στα τοπικά γραφεία των ναζιστών, χωρίς να φοβάται τα χημικά που έμπαιναν στα ταλαιπωρημένα πνευμόνια του από τις φυσούνες της αστυνομίας. Όχι γιατί τάχα ήταν «ήρωας», αλλά γιατί αυτή είναι η δύναμη του ανθρώπου που γνωρίζει ότι ο αγώνας για την ελευθερία είναι αγώνας στο σήμερα, είναι διαρκής και δεν τελειώνει ποτέ και είσαι λεύτερος μόνο όταν τον δίνεις. Πλάι στον αγώνα των χωρικών στο Αποπηγάδι για να μη γίνουν τα βουνά της Κρήτης χωματερή για ανεμογεννήτριες, στον αγώνα της Rosa Nera για να μην πέσει στα χέρια των καρτέλ των ξενοδόχων, σε κάθε μικρή διεκδίκηση από την παραλία της Σούγιας μέχρι την άλλη άκρη του Ατλαντικού, ανήσυχος για να μαθαίνει και να διαβάζει όσο και για να φτιάχνει τσικουδιά από χαρούπι μέχρι το τέλος, ο Βαρδής θύμιζε όλες αυτές τις μορφές αναρχικών του 19ου αιώνα που γυρνούσαν την Ευρώπη και συμμετείχαν σε κάθε επανάσταση, κάθε κίνηση για την ανθρώπινη χειραφέτηση.

Ακόμα περισσότερο όμως, ο Βαρδής θύμιζε τον άνθρωπο όπως μπορεί να είναι. Τον άνθρωπο όπως θα είναι όταν απαλλαχθεί από τα δεσμά του Κράτους, του Κεφαλαίου, της βίας, του ανταγωνισμού και της αλλοτρίωσης. Και αυτή τη μνήμη θα κρατήσουμε όσοι και όσες τον γνωρίσαμε, από το αγέρωχο και χαρισματικό πέρασμά του από τον κόσμο.

Ο Βαρδής Τσουρής θα είναι μαζί μας σε κάθε αγώνα που σηκώνεται για την ανεξαρτησία του κόσμου, σε κάθε μαυροκόκκινη σημαία που ανεμίζει, σε κάθε σπασμό του νέου κόσμου που κουβαλάμε στην καρδιά μας και που αξίζει να αγωνιζόμαστε μόνο και μόνο για να συνεχίσουμε να τον κουβαλάμε.

Στους συντρόφους και τις συντρόφισσές του, στη σύντροφό του, στα αγόρια και τα κορίτσια της Rosa Nera, μεταφέρουμε την οδύνη, τα συλλυπητήρια και την αλληλεγγύη μας.

Αντίο ακριβέ σύντροφε, μέχρι την ελευθερία!

-Βαρδής Τσουρής.

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Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union)

Employees at the Zarfati Garage in Mishur Adumim vote to strike on July 22, 2014. (Photo courtesy of Ma’an workers union)

Anarchist movement

Sun 28 May, 12:40

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