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mashriq / arabia / iraq / imperialism / war / news report Tuesday April 25, 2017 19:09 byKNK

According to the latest information, 26 Turkish warplanes attacked Amûd and Geliyê Kersê of Şengal/Sinjar. The bombardment is still going on. It has been learned that prior to the aerial operation, communication networks had been completely cut in Dêrik and its surrounding areas.

Many civilian Kurds and Kurdish fighters were killed and wounded

Last night, Turkish warplanes bombed Dengê Roajva Radio and ÇIRA-FM and also YPG headquarter in Karaçokê of Dêrik city. In relation to the attack, YPG general commander released a statement in which he called upon the Rojavian people to stand up for themselves. YPG statement declared; “On Tuesday 25 April, at 02:00 o’clock, Turkish warplanes launched an intensive air attack on YPG headquarter in Karaçokê in the vicinity of Dêrik. The press and publication centre, the radio, the communication centre and a number of military organisations are located in Karaçokê. As a result of this brutal attack, a number of our fighters lost their lives while some others got wounded. Their identity will be announced later”.

“As the YPG”, the statement continued, “we reiterate that such a coward attack will not affect our will and determination for freedom against terror. Also, we call upon the Rojavian people with all its diversities to align themselves with their legitimate defence forces, reinforcing them in the face of such offensive”.

Turkish state terror must end and the coalition forces should not be silent.

PYD’s co-president announced that such air attacks are carried out in order to provide support to the ISIS. Owing to this, he continued, the coalition forces should clarify their stance. He also added; “They [Turkish warplanes] attack a society that is fighting against terrorism. The coalition forces should not remain silent against this. Nobody should accept this attack.”
Turkey wants to neutralise Raqqa Operation

The Syrian Democratic Assembly (MSD) affirmed in a statement that such attack would only serve to strengthen their determination against terror.
The MSD’s statement reads as follow: While the Raqqa operation is underway and our forces are gaining upper hand against the ISIS, Turkish warplanes are bombing our headquarters in Karaçokê and Şengal areas. These attacks show that the Turkish state wants to neutralise Raqqa Operation in order to give a breathing space to the ISIS.

brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / workplace struggles / appeal / petition Tuesday April 25, 2017 12:14 byMunicipal Workers’ Union of Cachoeirinha, Rio Grande do Sul,

The Municipal Workers’ Union of Cachoeirinha (Sindicato dos Municipários de Cachoeirinha – SIMCA) is a union that fights for workers’ rights in class-based struggles in Brazil. Founded on June 20, 1989, it has consistently been a protagonist in struggles both initiated by the Union and by other social movements. The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha have been leaders in the organization and mobilization of these struggles, refusing to stay quiet in the face of arbitrary and authoritarian exploitation of labor, mismanagement on the part of bosses and government officials, and the injustices imposed “from above.”

Municipal Workers’ Union of Cachoeirinha, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil

Address: Avenida Flores da Cunha, No. 903, Sala 1202, Cachoeirinha, Rio Grande do Sul
Telephone: (51) 3470-6902 and (51) 3438-6655
Email: simcachoeirinha@gmail.com
Facebook: facebook.com/SindicatoDosMunicipariosDeCachoeirinhars/


The Municipal Workers’ Union of Cachoeirinha (Sindicato dos Municipários de Cachoeirinha – SIMCA) is a union that fights for workers’ rights in class-based struggles in Brazil. Founded on June 20, 1989, it has consistently been a protagonist in struggles both initiated by the Union and by other social movements. The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha have been leaders in the organization and mobilization of these struggles, refusing to stay quiet in the face of arbitrary and authoritarian exploitation of labor, mismanagement on the part of bosses and government officials, and the injustices imposed “from above.”



SIMCA takes a class-based, combative political approach, based in the principles of direct action, member-driven democracy, and workers’ independence and solidarity.



The class-based premise of SIMCA is founded in the belief that workers should develop forms of self-organization and governance. Class is used as a category to understand and struggle against the accumulation of capital by a minority. For this reason, SIMCA stands in solidarity with other popular movements of the working class. It affirms that, politically and ideologically, it is crucial to share experiences that can serve as reference points to other unions and social movements, in order to move forward together in the struggle for workers’ rights.



At this moment, SIMCA is engaged in its most important struggle since its inception. This document describes the ongoing strike by workers in Cachoeirinha, who are protesting a package of austerity measures introduced by the municipal government. They include the sale of public lands, cuts in food subsidies for workers and their families, a reduction from 9% to 3% for pay raises for job promotions, pay cuts for teachers, engineers, geologists, architects and public servants, and changes to insurance code that lower the “risk to life” of various professions (thereby diminishing protection). This strike is not only historical for Cachoeirinha, but also on a state and national level, as it is articulating a defense against the model of economic austerity that is attacking the rights of all Brazilian workers that were won during the twentieth century.



After weeks of direct mobilization among workers, supported by community members who make use of public services, and confrontation with police repression, the struggle has reached a breaking point with the municipal government. On April 13, around 300 municipal workers went to Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, to stage an act of political and cultural resistance on the 39th day of the strike. The workers stood in a vigil for the afternoon, until a meeting that evening, organized the Mediation Sector of the Regional Superintendency of Labor, to address their demands.



As directed by the Strike Leadership (a Leadership of federalist structure, with representatives from various labor sectors), the SIMCA negotiators positioned themselves against the package of budget cuts proposed by the courts and the financial adjustments of the government. The result of this meeting was a proposal by the government to suspend the cuts for 60 days, in return for the end of the strike.



Chronology of the strike:

First week of the strike: On the first day of the strike, the media falsely associated the movement with a break-in of the mayor´s office. By doing so, the strike was immediately framed as suspicious, foreshadowing the attempts to come at the criminalization of strikers. The government summoned SIMCA for negotiation on the third and fourth days of the strike. SIMCA demanded the repeal of budget cuts and austerity measures, as well as that the government take emergency measures to avoid immediate consequences of the cuts. In spite of these negotiations, the government formalized the budget cuts on March 10, promising compensation in the future.



Second week of the strike: The strike won the support of the community, which mobilized itself to hold the mayor accountable to cuts for municipal workers. The strike began to struggle against the ordinance that was part of the austerity package that would reduce funding for childhood education. Health workers joined the strike. A street protest united more than a thousand people on Flores da Cunha Avenue. The 38-day strike in Florianópolis ended with negotiations that were amenable to workers, giving strikers in Cachoeirinha an example of what was possible. On March 16, the strike organized a march and 80 municipal workers filled the Dante Barone Auditorium of the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul in the Public Hearing for the scaling back of rights of municipal public servants of Cachoeirinha.



Third week of the strike: The denunciations from the public hearing were brought to the Public Ministry. The government intensified its efforts to criminalize strikers. Legal protests that took to the streets were treated by the government as criminal acts. The Secretary of Education requested lists of teachers who had joined the strike in order to begin measures to prosecute them. Strikers responded to this harassment by occupying the Secretary of Education. This direct action forced a new negotiation with the government. However, in the meeting that occurred two days later, the government raised its charge or criminality against strikers and the Secretary of Security announced that it would take measures to repress the movement.



Fourth week of the strike: A hunger strike began in front of the city hall and continued uninterrupted for 24 hours. Meanwhile, the Mayor had lunch with local businessmen to negotiate their support for the government’s fiscal adjustments. Since the second week of the strike, the movement had been practically silenced in the media. The movement began to experience state, in addition to municipal, repression. Unhappy with the strike´s growing strength, government repression became bolder. The Mayor and the Secretary of Security accused the strike of various break-ins. A government official connected to the Secretary of Governance provoked people in the hunger strike in an attempt to create conflict. Government officials delayed a session of voting on legislation that would reduce subsidies for food purchasing by workers and their families. On the following day, strike leaders occupied the legislative chamber. On March 30, repression of the movement left 30 wounded and 3 arrested, marking the greatest police brutality in the history of Cachoeirinha. On March 31, more than 2,000 people marched down Flores da Cunha Avenue to protest the brutality. The Ministry of Labor and the State Ministry received complaints of rights’ violations this week.



Fifth week of the strike: The strike issued this statement: http://www.diariocachoeirinha.com.br/_conteudo/2017/04/....html. The government appealed to the courts in an attempt to dismantle the movement. The strike took on national dimensions as various protests around the country took place in solidarity with municipal workers in Cachoeirinha. Denunciations of the strike´s repression arrived on the desks of the Commission of Citizenship and Human Rights of the Legislative Assembly. A street mobilization slowed access to Cachoeirinha by occupying a critical bridge. A plenary was convened to protest threats by the government to redact pay for the duration of the strike. This political analysis addressed the state of the strike: http://www.ihu.unisinos.br/566491-a-tragedia-de-saco-e-...gindo.



Sixth week of the strike: The industrial district of Cachoeirinha woke up with a picket line in front of the Center of Industries of Cachoeirinha to get their message across to factory owners who had sided with the Mayor and were supporting his austerity measures. In the early hours of the morning of April 10, the government agreed to negotiate the following day, and for the first time since the beginning of the strike, the Mayor showed up. The expectations of strikers were disappointed at the meeting, when the same proposal that the government had presented on March 10 was put on the table, which the strikers had already rejected. SIMCA withdrew from negotiations and agreed only to return the following Thursday. Another large mobilization in support of the strike once again occupied the main avenue of the city. In Rio Grande do Sul, the strike won the support of state-level public servants. Various municipal workers of the metropolitan area addressed the strike in their assemblies.



The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha continue to protest the unjust fiscal adjustment. The situation in Cachoeirinha is the same that threatens workers across the whole country. More than 3,000 workers are now involved in this fight. The sweat and blood that has been shed in this strike belongs to all members of the oppressed classes. Beyond the debate about whether to accept the truce offered by the government, the municipal workers of Cachoeirinha are aware of the role they have in sustaining country-wide resistance against blows to our rights.



It is from this understanding of the ongoing struggle, that SIMCA asks for SOLIDARITY for this struggle, be it through the spread of information or material and financial support. The saying “Those who fight are not yet dead” is never so relevant as in this very moment in which the struggle is being waged.



ALL SOLIDARITY TO SIMCA AND THE MUNICIPAL WORKERS OF CACHOEIRINHA! WE STRIKE FOR VICTORY! CONTINUE THE STRUGGLE! BUILD POPULAR POWER!


indonesia / philippines / australia / imperialism / war / press release Tuesday April 25, 2017 06:58 byMelbourne Anarchist Communist Group

War is integral to imperialism. We can't end war without ending imperialism and we can't end imperialism without ending capitalism, because imperialism is not merely a policy, but the set of international relationships in capitalism for over 100 years now. We don't have to send young men and women overseas to kill brown people and we don't have to allow a US base at Pine Gap to guide both nuclear missiles and drones. To change direction, though, means eliminating the capitalist system that brings us these horrors. The working class needs to unite internationally and make a revolution to abolish it. We need to replace capitalism with the only possible alternative – libertarian communism.

WAR

World War I

WWI was a crime against humanity, with two rival imperialist alliances fighting it out to redivide the colonies, markets and resources of the world. The lives of soldiers, Australians included, and civilian populations were sacrificed to the power and profits of their own ruling classes. After a debacle on a Turkish peninsula near Istanbul in 1915, the ANZACs were sent to the Western Front. There, they became raw material for the war machine of the British Empire. They died in their tens of thousands. The war's death toll on both sides was at least 15.5 million. The carnage was eventually brought to an end by revolution breaking out in Germany.

Today

Though imperialism remains, much has changed in the intervening century. The military forces of imperialist countries are in much less danger than the civilians of the countries they invade. War is waged as much on a country's civilian infrastructure as on its military. The imperialists wage a coward's war, raining death from the skies, while safely ensconced on high in F-16s or even piloting a drone from an office in the US. The imperialists' wars on Third World countries may cost fewer lives of their own citizens, but they are as evil as ever.

Wars

The United States, the world's greatest imperialist power, is openly at war in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. President Trump is adding Somalia to the list. The US also intervenes indirectly and/or through drones in Yemen, Ukraine and Libya. Other imperialist powers, including Britain, France, Russia and Australia, are also intervening in one or more of these wars. In none of them are the imperialists telling the truth about their motives and objectives, nor about the civilian casualties they cause. In every case, imperialist intervention has a reactionary effect. Saddam Hussein was a tyrant, but the invasion of Iraq in 2003 has worsened conditions for people there. Similarly today, imperialist intervention, even against the monstrous Daesh in Iraq and Syria, will have reactionary effects. In West Asia, only the oppressed masses, centrally the working class, can produce a progressive alternative to the sheiks, generals, Islamists and Zionists who rule there today.

Peace

War is integral to imperialism. We can't end war without ending imperialism and we can't end imperialism without ending capitalism, because imperialism is not merely a policy, but the set of international relationships in capitalism for over 100 years now. We don't have to send young men and women overseas to kill brown people and we don't have to allow a US base at Pine Gap to guide both nuclear missiles and drones. To change direction, though, means eliminating the capitalist system that brings us these horrors. The working class needs to unite internationally and make a revolution to abolish it. We need to replace capitalism with the only possible alternative – libertarian communism.

END WAR: END CAPITALISM

Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group

25 April 2017

Nota traduccida al castellano.

El pasado 20 de abril, fue publicada por Tribunal de Justicia de Río de Janeiro la sentencia relativa a la segunda prisión de Rafael Braga, que ocurrió el 12 de enero de 2016 según la cual Rafael fue condenado a 11 años de prisión por tráfico y asociación con el tráfico.



¿Por qué fue realmente condenado Rafael?

En el 2013 hubo grandes manifestaciones, él fue detenido en sus inmediaciones, aunque no había participado de ella, acusado de tener cocteles molotov, sin embargo realmente eran botellas de Pinho Sol (producto de limpieza) y agua sanitaria. Fue detenido por la Unidade de Polizia de Pacificación de la Vila Cruzeiro en la localidad de Cascatinha, favela donde vive con su família. Por esto fue condenado a cinco años, cuyo último periodo fue bajo el régimen de libertad provisional (monitorado por una tobillera electrónica).



Durante su libertad provisional la policía le colocó un "kit flagrante" (droga y un petardo) como es de costumbre en las regiones periféricas y de mayoría negra. Finalmente por esto fue condenado a 11 años de prisión.



Repudiamos con vehemencia esta condena impuesta por la "Justicia" y nos solidarizamos con Rafael Braga, con la campaña que lucha por su libertad y con su familia, especialmente su madre, Doña Adriana. Modestamente, ayudamos a construir la campaña desde el 2014 y hemos seguido de cerca las arbitrariedadades del sistema judicial brasileño. El poder judicial con sus leyes y su historia estructuralmente racista y elitista, ha encontrado la manera de continuar encarcelando a la población negra y pobre. La supuesta guerra contra las drogas, por ejemplo, no es más que un chivo expiatorio de la élite, gran parte de la clase media blanca y la policía militar para invadir los barrios pobres em el marco de una politica genocida y de encarcelamiento de la mayoría de la población pobre y negra. En este sentido, hay que escuchar con atención y transmitir el mensaje de los habitantes de las favelas y miembros del Movimiento Negro que señalan que todos los partidos que gobernaron Brasil siguieron con esta política genocida.



El articulo 70 dice. "El hecho restringido a prueba oral al testimonio de la policía y sus agentes permite la condenacción" En otras palabras significa que en los tribunales judiciales de Rio de Janeiro se permite que cualquier persona puede ser condenada incluso si el único testigo es la policía, facilitando la práctica de pruebas fabricadas por la policía militar en los barrios pobres y en las periferias.



Como anarquistas, declaramos nuestro apoyo a la Campaña por la Libertad de Rafael Braga, la lucha anticárcel y la lucha contra el racismo.



Es esencial que las fuerzas de la izquierda anticapitalista, movimientos populares y organizaciones políticas en Brasil y en otras partes del mundo apoyen esta campaña.



Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro

brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / crime prison and punishment / appeal / petition Tuesday April 25, 2017 04:24 byCampaña por la Libertard de Rafael Braga

Rafael Braga Vieira is a black and poor young man, who, until June of 2013, worked collecting material for recycling in downtown streets of Rio de Janeiro. He lived on the streets in order to save money on his way back home – he didn’t return home everyday in Vila Cruzeiro (North zone), where he lived with his parents, brothers and sisters. However, on June 20, Rafael Braga’s routine changed.

Rafael Braga Vieira is a black and poor young man, who, until June of 2013, worked collecting material for recycling in downtown streets of Rio de Janeiro. He lived on the streets in order to save money on his way back home – he didn’t return home everyday in Vila Cruzeiro (North zone), where he lived with his parents, brothers and sisters. However, on June 20, Rafael Braga’s routine changed.

On that day, in Rio de Janeiro, was happening the largest of the demonstrations that occurred in 2013 against the increase of bus tickets. During the dispersion of the crowd, in Lavradio Street, Lapa, Rafael Braga, 25 years old, was arrested when he arrived at an abandoned mansion, where he used to sleep. Rafael did not participate the demonstration, and carried with him two different cleaning products, both on plastic bottles. At the police station, the policemen who seized him presented both bottles already open, with cloths. He was accused of carrying explosive material – Molotov cocktails.

Rafael spent 5 months in Japeri Penitentiary Complex awaiting trial, being defended by a public defender. On
September 23, an application for revocation of Rafael’s preventive custody was made by his lawyer and dismissed by the Judge of the 32nd Criminal Court after 4 days, only.

On December 2, 2013, he was sentenced to a 5 years and 10 months imprisonment and was transferred to Bangu 5 a few days later, even after the Civil Police bomb squad report stated that Rafael was carrying cleaning products that had low chances to function as a molotov cocktail.

Rafael Braga’s condemnation had an impact, even if small, on newspaper articles, and, from then on, activists, militants and collectives became aware that he was still imprisoned. Thus, Rafael’s defense was assumed by the Institute of Human Rights Defenders (Instituto dos Defensores de Direitos Humanos – DDH). At the same time, some groups and activists of social movements began to articulate to help and publicize Rafael’s case in the independent media.

After assuming the case, DDH Office filed an appeal against the sentence. On August 26 2014, the Third Criminal Chamber of the Court of Justice of Rio de Janeiro (TJRJ) decided to keep Rafael in jail, reducing his sentence in only four months. On that day, a “walking hours” demonstration occurred in front of TJRJ, from the 25th until the time that the decision came out on the 26th.

In October 2014, there was a progression of Rafael’s regime from closed to semi-open, when he could leave the prison to work. After several efforts, DDH got a job for him at a law firm. In November 2014, Rafael was punished after one of his lawyers posted online a photo of him in front of a “pixação” on a wall that read: “You only look from the left to the right, while the State crushes you from top to bottom”. The lawyer took Rafael’s picture on the way back to the prison after a day’s work. Because of this, he spent about 1 month in SOLITARY. After suffering some penalties and losing the right to the semi-open regime, he gained progression to an open regime on December 1 2015, and left prison, being monitored by an electronic anklet.

So he returned home, to Cascatinha, Vila Cruzeiro, with his family. On January 12 2016, Rafael, by his mother’s, request left by morning to go to the bakery, when some UPP (Peacemaker Police Unity) military police officers (PMs) approached him on his way. The PMs said he was involved with drug trafficking and asked him to give them information and that he admitted he was involved. He was beaten on the way to the police station and threatened with rape in case he did not take part in the dealing association. The PMs accused Rafael with a fake blatant kit containing 0.6g of marijuana, 9.3g of cocaine and one firework. Since then, Rafael answers for: drug dealing; association with the illegal drug trade; and collaboration with drug traffick.

During April, May and June 2016, occurred a evidentiary and judgment hearing, divided in three days. On those days, the policemen that approached Rafael, defense witnesses, and Rafael himself were heard. During the oral testimony, the police officers repeatedly contradicted each other AND the testimony they had given at the police station at the time of Rafael’s arrest. The DDH requested, during these hearings, 5 diligences: GPS of the electronic anklet; The name of the engineer and the engineering company whom, according to the policemen, they were escorting in the favela on that day; Images from the vehicle’s internal and external camera; and images from the UPP camera. The responsible judge denied every request and sent the case to the Public Prosecutor’s Office (Ministério Público – MP), where it was waiting for the final allegations of accusation and of defense.

On April 20th, 2017, after the allegations were published, the judge condemned Rafael to 11 years in prison for traffcking and traffic association. The defense lawyers will appeal the sentence.

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